domingo, junio 18, 2006

El consenso civil al advenimiento de la dictadura militar

Los idus de marzo: el consenso civil al advenimiento de la dictadura militar. Una breve mirada retrospectiva a la relación entre poder militar, sociedad civil y clase política, en el acaecimiento de la última dictadura.
Por Florencia Pagni y Fernando Cesaretti

La construcción de un imaginario
El historiador Luis Alberto Romero sostiene que en sus orígenes, causas, práctica de gobierno y desarrollo histórico, la última dictadura militar ocurrida en la Argentina (el autodenominado Proceso de Reorganización Nacional) fue analizado como un fenómeno encerrado en su propia y nefasta lógica, aislado del contexto general y en función de ese principio autista, demonizado. Esa imagen demoníaca —bastante distante de lo que había sido hasta entonces la percepción de la sociedad contemporánea al período de gobierno dictatorial— se construyó aceleradamente en poco tiempo, entre la debacle del régimen militar que siguió a la rendición de las fuerzas argentinas cercadas en Puerto Stanley, y la condena a las Juntas Militares perpetradoras del crimen de lesa humanidad, tres años después. Se daba entonces maniquea visibilidad a una banda perversa y poderosa que se había ensañado con una sociedad inocente. Para exorcizar al demonio, la sociedad empuñó la imagen de la democracia, tan potente como aquél, pero buena y generosa.
Tal construcción imaginaria fue para Romero positiva, en virtud del momento en que la misma se formuló. La renacida democracia de los ochenta llegaba a la escena política huérfana de casi todo, carenciada de prácticas, de dirigentes y hasta de ciudadanos acostumbrados a una rutina democrática. No es entonces un dato menor que sustentara sus endebles pasos iniciales en la otredad taxativamente negativa del período inmediato anterior.
Dos décadas después el sistema está pese a sus errores y retrocesos, definitivamente consolidado. La práctica democrática es una recurrencia natural (y en muchos casos fastidiosamente aburrida) para los ciudadanos argentinos que en progresiva y avasallante mayoría etaria por simple paso del tiempo y perduración de la originalmente endeble democracia, no han conocido otro sistema político institucional que el determinado por la sociedad civil y las normas constitucionales.
Cree entonces el historiador Romero que en virtud de este afianzamiento y la consecuente maduración política del habitante-ciudadano, hay una pregunta que ya podemos y debemos hacernos: ¿fue esa dictadura un demonio ajeno a nuestra sociedad, o fue una expresión, repugnante pero legítima, de nuestra cultura política?
Debemos sin embargo ser cuidadosos con los términos para evitar tergiversaciones o falaces interpretaciones de los argumentos que exponemos, producto en algunos casos de la ignorancia, en otros de una susceptibilidad aún muy alta y también de la polisemia de las palabras que permite que cada uno lleve agua para su molino del presente con el mismo pero diferente balde.
Es que la década de 1970 sigue siendo un agujero negro para los investigadores del pasado. Pero, y tal vez por esa condición negativa es menester entender que es hora de abordar su estudio, pues como señala la historiadora Gabriela Águila “aún hoy sigue existiendo una disociación evidente entre el saber qué pasó de porciones importantes de la sociedad y las investigaciones académicas. Si bien en las últimas décadas la labor de los organismos de derechos humanos ha sido fundamental en el sostenimiento de la demanda de verdad y justicia, aún resta avanzar en la investigación histórica, ingresando en el análisis de temáticas que no han sido suficientemente exploradas. Evitando la condena y apelando a la explicación y la comprensión, la construcción de renovadas perspectivas sobre la dictadura sigue siendo, a treinta años del golpe de Estado, una deuda pendiente para los historiadores”.

Balconeando la revolución
“Solo un milagro pudo salvar la revolución. Ese milagro lo realizó el pueblo de Buenos Aires”. Con notable poder de síntesis el autor de esta frase, el capitán Juan Perón, uno de los conspiradores de 1930 (por cierto un grupo minoritario en unas fuerzas armadas donde predominaban los leales al orden constitucional) definió no solo el episodio setembrino del que fue partícipe y que acabó con casi siete décadas de regularidad institucional, sino también una constante en la vida política argentina: el apoyo de parte de la civilidad a las intervenciones militares.
Cívicos militares fueron los episodios de 1890, 1893, 1905 y también el de 1930, al punto que este último, el único triunfante de todos los citados, fue visto por los contemporáneos como una continuación (aunque de signo político contrario) a los tres primeros. Alzamientos que tenían un origen civil con apoyo militar, y que en su faz operativa si su poder de fuego era exiguo en relación a las fuerzas oponentes, se apoyaba en la civilidad. Así pasó ese 6 de setiembre cuando la escueta columna revolucionaria encontró las razones de su triunfo en parte en la inacción y en la falta de capacidad de defensa del gobierno legal, pero fundamentalmente en la multitud civil que en feliz definición de Roberto Arlt salió a “balconear la revolución” sumándose festivamente a la columna de alzados, produciendo entonces “el milagro” al que se refería el golpista capitán Perón.
Con adaptación a las cambiantes circunstancias, las intervenciones militares posteriores mantuvieron esa constante: casi todas encontraron el apoyo alternado de los partidos políticos. Así ocurrió en 1955, en 1962 y en 1966. Tal vez el golpe de 1943, dada la anomia que produjo la desaparición física de los principales referentes políticos nacionales en los meses precedentes y la excusa menor que originó el episodio estrictamente militar, sea la parcial excepción a esta constante.
1976 no fue por cierto una excepción, a pesar del imaginario construido en las postrimerías del régimen, tal como señaláramos al hacer nuestra la opinión de Luis Alberto Roberto al comienzo de este trabajo. Si bien no se puede afirmar que existieran alianzas previas golpistas entre actores políticos institucionalizados y sectores de las fuerzas armadas como sí había ocurrido por ejemplo en 1955 con la Unión Cívica Radical complotada contra el gobierno peronista o en 1966 con la C.G.T. peronista complotada contra el gobierno radical, en líneas generales la clase política en su conjunto (más allá de honrosas excepciones) aceptó la intervención directa de la corporación militar en el Estado.
Y no solo la clase política. Al respecto señala la historiadora Águila, que “una lectura superficial de los principales diarios de aquella época permite advertir el respaldo activo y público que la dictadura encontró entre empresarios, sindicalistas, periodistas o ciertos sectores de la jerarquía eclesiástica. Pero la dictadura también encontró respaldo en grupos más amplios de la sociedad argentina. Es cierto que la represión instaló en la sociedad el miedo y el terror, provocó la autocensura y eliminó la mayoría de las iniciativas de protesta colectiva. Es verdad también que existieron numerosos focos de resistencia en el ámbito laboral, estudiantil, intelectual y artístico que se solidarizaron con quienes eran perseguidos y encarcelados. Pero todo esto se verificó también en un marco signado por una comunidad que, en gran medida, se reveló profundamente autoritaria. El estudio de los años de la dictadura plantea fuertes interrogantes en torno a las responsabilidades concretas del conjunto de la sociedad en los trágicos episodios de aquellos años. Postula el interrogante por la conducta de amplios sectores de la sociedad que, en función de la preocupación por el orden y la tranquilidad, dejó de asegurar los derechos de sus semejantes y contempló, en una actitud muchas veces pasiva -y hasta cómplice-, la violación de las garantías básicas consagradas por el estado de derecho”.
El porqué la sociedad argentina en su conjunto, y la clase política en particular, aceptaron que la política se convirtiera en patrimonio casi exclusivo de las fuerzas armadas, es un interrogante que amerita múltiples respuestas, ninguna totalmente satisfactoria ni mucho menos tranquilizadora para lo que hoy se entiende como políticamente correcto.


¿Asalto al estado o crisis de representatividad?
Entendemos que la pregunta debería formularse en estos términos: porqué en 1976 los políticos, en tanto clase o actores sociales, aceptan que los militares monopolicen la política, cuando esta constituye la razón de ser de aquellos, y por ende deberían haber sido los principales opositores a tal situación.
No hay sin duda una respuesta total y contundente. No alcanza con visualizar por ejemplo, la debilidad del sistema de partidos. Esa debilidad era en todo caso consecuencia de causas más profundas. En lo inmediato y coyuntural el golpe se produce en el contexto de una profunda crisis social. Alimentan esa crisis la notable y acelerada caída del poder adquisitivo, las luchas internas del partido gobernante, la ineficacia de la oposición para constituirse en alternativa y la violencia que se generaliza endémicamente. Tal vez podamos al profundizar en tales motivos coyunturales encontrar esas causas más profundas a las que nos referimos.
La caída del poder adquisitivo corrió en paralelo al descrédito creciente del gobierno peronista. Cuando el 2 de junio de 1975 asumió la titularidad del ministerio de economía Celestino Rodrigo, apenas dos años habían pasado de la esperanzadora ilusión con que el pueblo había recibido al nuevo gobierno. Un bienio atrás al calor de la “primavera camporista” se había implementado el Plan Gelbard: un programa de concertación económica y social, opuesto al capital monopólico internacional y sustentado institucionalmente en el llamado Pacto Social. Este fue en síntesis un acuerdo entre empresarios y trabajadores, flexible, austero y reformista con un sentido redistributivo amplio (aunque sin llegar a plantearse cambios estructurales), dentro de un orden social de cooperación antes que de confrontación. Todas estas esperanzas fueron esfumándose progresiva y aceleradamente tras la muerte de Perón.
No hace a este trabajo analizar específicamente el llamado Plan Rodrigo pero es evidente que este constituye el punto de inflexión más pronunciado del descrédito gubernamental. El Plan pretendía liberar precios internos, mejorar los externos devaluando el peso, disminuir el déficit presupuestario y bajar el nivel salarial. Todas estas medidas tenían una meta principal: destruir el poder de los sindicatos, en un gambito más de las pugnas internas que desgastaban al gobierno. La instrumentación de este programa, enunciado por el lopezreguista Celestino Rodrigo de un modo ortodoxamente draconiano alejado de todo prudente gradualismo, desató una reacción popular masiva y espontánea, fuera del control político o sindical. Este último sector fue el que logró capitalizar finalmente la situación, logrando alejar de la escena al Grupo López Rega.
Fue una victoria pírrica: los jefes sindicales pasaron a convertirse en el segundo semestre de 1975 y el primer trimestre de 1976 en actores centrales de las decisiones estatales, rol difícilmente congeniable con el de representar las demandas reivindicativas de las bases. Bases cada vez más insatisfechas por la crítica situación económica que llevaba a la Nación al borde de la cesación de pagos.
Pero los torpes burócratas sindicales no podían hacer un curso acelerado de ciencias políticas, y en esa instancia se movieron espasmódicamente según cálculos contingentes, en una situación confusa que no sirvió más que para acelerar la crisis política. Fueron junto a la manifiesta impericia de María Estela Martínez, los principales pero no únicos culpables del proceso de atomización social que impidió se pudiera articular en el momento culminante alguna defensa del gobierno constitucional.
Visto retrospectivamente en contexto es entendible la orfandad política de los sindicalistas. Es que para esas épocas, la política entendida como espacio de conciliación había dejado de tener sentido para el ciudadano común. Este no hacía sino reproducir lo que la clase política, especialmente los partidos de oposición expresaban de modo taxativo: la imposibilidad de articular un discurso alternativo que convocara a ese ciudadano a un amplio consenso de reconstitución de las bases de legitimación del estado.
La clase política entendida como actor social, había perdido su lealtad al régimen constitucional, aunque esa pérdida no pudiera en algunos casos ser elaborada concientemente por los actores individuales. De allí las diferencias entre el hacer y el decir que a veces en algún momento dramático se cruzaban en un explícito sinceramiento del primero de esos términos. Tal el discurso del líder de la oposición, el radical Ricardo Balbín, que se bifurca entre la esperanza de “que a las elecciones (convocadas para octubre de 1976) llegamos aunque sea con muletas” y el reconocimiento final de su amargo “no tengo soluciones”.
Las organizaciones partidarias se iban replegando en si mismas, alejándose de la sociedad y de su compromiso de defensa del orden constitucional. Ese compromiso había sido minado a lo largo de muchos años. Por lo menos desde 1955 (sino antes) los recurrentes golpes de estado, había colocado a las Fuerzas Armadas en un papel de reaseguro final de gobernabilidad, aún en los cortos períodos de cierta normalidad constitucional. Ese papel de árbitro último de la puja política, de erigirse como sujeto político principal y por lo tanto superior al resto de los actores de la sociedad argentina, les había sido asignado de modo tácito o explícito por el propio sistema de partidos.
Fue entonces esa visión el corolario de un largo proceso cimentado en décadas de recurrentes golpes de estado, donde a favor de la conveniencia faccional del momento, la clase política en general fue legitimando las interrupciones al orden constitucional al verlas no como una simple arbitrariedad militar a las que oponerse sin más, sino como parte del juego de relaciones sociales del que todos participaban, en el poder o en el llano.
Hacia 1976 la clase política aceptaba esta preeminencia e injerencia castrense en campos supuestamente exclusivos de la civilidad. Esa actitud se articulaba entonces en una ceguera interesada de décadas en que los distintos actores políticos habían asumido que las estrategias y los mecanismos de acción y construcción políticos podían ser entendidos como circunstancias neutras escindidas de los fines. Tal distorsión ética no hizo sino aumentar en ese momento crítico el ya pronunciado descrédito de los partidos políticos, impotentes de convocar al consenso siquiera en el plano discursivo.

La aceptación de la violencia
También fue un largo proceso el que llevó a que la violencia en tanto fenómeno social fuera como afirma Romero, una construcción que se aceleró con saltos cualitativos Había entonces en el tiempo previo al golpe en sí, una cultura política de acumulación de la violencia, compartida por todos quienes participaron en esa conflictiva vida política. El aceptar con relativa facilidad las prácticas violentas para dirimir diferencias formó parte de la historia de naturalización de la violencia que le acaeció a toda la sociedad argentina y que posibilitó la acción brutal de los militares de 1976. En los tiempos previos a que estos tomaran el estado, hubo en el ciudadano común un sentimiento generalizado de pérdida de su seguridad individual que juntamente con la creencia de que ni el gobierno ni la oposición podían garantizar una convivencia pacífica, le llevó a aceptar a la institución armada como la única que podía poner fin a esa situación, acabando con la violencia privada mediante el monopolio estatal de la violencia. De ese modo la sociedad en su conjunto relegaba concientemente sus derechos ciudadanos, despolitizándose sin medir las consecuencias que su actitud traería. Lo hacía en la misma sintonía que la clase política que al reconocer públicamente su impotencia ante la crisis generalizada dejaba a la sociedad sin alternativas posibles dentro de la legalidad.
Ocurrió entonces, dato no menor en el éxito del golpe de estado, un definitivo corrimiento de la figura del soberano, al trasladarse esta del gobierno civil de turno (y de todo el sistema de partidos) a las Fuerzas Armadas, en una aceptación de la clase política en su conjunto (oficialismo y oposición) de su propia debilidad e impotencia operativa para dar una salida dentro del sistema constitucional a la crisis. En esa visión dada en un contexto de atomización de los otros actores, solo la institución castrense podía garantizar la seguridad individual del ciudadano atemorizado por acontecimientos que lo sobrepasaban y que no obtenía respuesta ni solución de sus representantes civiles.
Estos habían minado aceleradamente los restos de autoridad que le quedaban en el fragor de sus luchas intestinas. El enfrentamiento entre la izquierda peronista y un gobierno cada vez más corrido a la derecha colocaba a la violencia como un tigre desbocado que precisaba con urgencia de un domador, cuanto más enérgico, mejor. Esa solución simplista y expeditiva era compartida por millones de argentinos, azorados ante una situación que amenazaba extenderse sin solución de continuidad. Es que si bien el proyecto presidencial sustentado con el apoyo (casi el único apoyo) de las conducciones burocráticas sindicales de reconvertir hacia la derecha la conciencia política de los sectores populares había fracasado frente a la movilización de los trabajadores desde el llamado Rodrigazo en adelante; la izquierda tampoco podía capitalizar ese descontento dada las identidades políticas heterogéneas de las bases peronistas. No era un empate sino una meseta donde corrían desbocadas la violencia y la represión, esta última llevada a cabo a veces dentro de la Ley, y la mayoría de las veces, fuera. Ambos términos (el legal y el ilegal) habían sido aceptados cuando no propiciados por el Gobierno. Detenciones arbitrarias, torturas, desapariciones y muertes eran perpetradas con impunidad no solo por grupos de ultraderecha como la Triple A, sino también por el aparato estatal (Fuerzas Armadas y de Seguridad).

¿Caer como peronistas?
A principios de 1976 la inoperancia del gobierno llegó a tal grado que parte de sus miembros en un desesperado intento de perdurar hasta el fin del mandato ofrecieron a las ya insumisas jerarquías militares su propia “bordaberrización”, la disolución del Congreso y la instrumentación de medidas económicas de corte neoconservador. Fue en vano. La cúpula militar no aceptó esta salida. La resistencia obrera del año anterior al Plan Rodrigo les indicaba que la adopción de un modelo económico que cercenara drásticamente la participación del salario en la distribución del ingreso, solo podía implementarse si era acompañado de una escala represiva nunca antes aplicada. Había que rearticular económicamente la sociedad y esa recomposición era imposible manteniendo un gobierno civil títere. Este, pese a su propia degradación, no podía ser sino un obstáculo a la tarea de despolitizar a la sociedad y disciplinar a sangre y fuego a los insumisos. También sabían que estaban dadas las condiciones para que vastos sectores aceptaran esa intervención total castrense, dada la ingobernabilidad en que había caído el gobierno constitucional, incapaz (al igual que la oposición política) de instrumentar soluciones racionales a la crisis y a la violencia.
La clase política había auto cercenado las bases de legitimidad del estado de derecho en sintonía con su representada: esa sociedad civil que aceptaba (mayoritariamente en sus sectores medios) por complacencia o indiferencia la clausura por tiempo indeterminado del debate de ideas. El domador que ambos anhelaban llegó finalmente el 24 de marzo de 1976.
Ha pasado mucho tiempo y mucha sangre, pero aun hoy vastos sectores de la sociedad argentina siguen sin asumir su complicidad en la perpetración de la mayor tragedia de nuestra historia. Empezar a descorrer el velo de un pasado reciente que iguala tras sus infames tules a víctimas y victimarios, es una deuda pendiente de los (nos) historiadores.











Florencia Pagni y Fernando Cesaretti.
Escuela de Historia. Universidad Nacional de Rosario
grupo_efefe@yahoo.com.ar


BIBLIOGRAFIA
AGUILA, Gabriela. En deuda con el pasado, artículo publicado en el diario La Capital de Rosario el 19 de marzo de 2006.
DE RIZ, Liliana. Retorno y Derrumbe, Hyspamérica, Bs. As. 1987.
ROMERO, Luis Alberto. Las preguntas que nos debemos 30 años después, artículo publicado en el diario Clarín de Buenos Aires el 16 de marzo de 2006.
YANNUZZI, María de los Ángeles. Política y Dictadura, Ed. Fundación Ross, Rosario, 1996.

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